quinta-feira, outubro 28, 2004

Sobre a insigina - Runa do Lobo

Constituída na retaguarda da frente holandesa, a partir do Outono de 1944, com os reservistas e milicianos holandeses. Atuou, depois, na frente. Retirou do Kessel Haia-Roterdão. Emblema : A runa do lobo na horizontal.

The Wolfsangel, or Wolf Hook, is a pagan device which possesses power to ward of wolves. It was adopted by fifteenth century peasants in their revolt against the mercenaries of the German Princes, and was thereafter regarded as representing liberty and independence.

The Wolfsangel, or Wolf Hook, is a pagan device which possesses power to ward of wolves. It was adopted by fifteenth century peasants in their revolt against the mercenaries of the German Princes, and was thereafter regarded as representing liberty and independence.

Squat version of the Wolfsangel with hooked arms was worn as an early badge of the National Socialist German Workers' Party, and was later adopted by the Dutch SS.

Combat history of 'Landstorm Nederland'
September 1944, Belgium
In September 1944 two battalions of the Landstorm was transferred to the frontlines in Belgium (the third stayed in Roermond for training reasons). The units were poorly armed and trained and lacked combat experience. Landstorm Nederland was send to defend the Albert-canal in northern Belgium. The first Batallion was placed in Merksem, the second in Hasselt. In this region the Batallion fought against the Dutch Prinses Irene Brigade. Landstorm Nederland proved to be incapable to stop the allied advance and was forced to withdraw. Medio October 1944 the unit arrived in the Veluwe again.
ArnhemDuring the start of the daring airborne operation 'Market Garden' on September the 17th 1944, the third Batallion Landstorm Nederland was still in training in Hoogeveen. After coming to the conclusion that every available combat unit should be send to fight the airborne troops, the German commanders decided to transfer the third Batallion to Arnhem. The badly trained and poorly armed Landstormers were incorporated in the German 9.SS-Panzer-Division 'Hohenstauffen'. III.SS Landstorm Nederland under command of SS-Ostubaf. Hermann Delfs (4 Kompanien - about 600 men) was added on 18-09-1944 to 9.SS.Pz. Division 'Hohenstauffen'.

Because of a lack of heavy weapons and very little experience 'Hohenstauffen' commander Harzer initially decided to keep the III./SS-Grenadier Regiment Landstorm Nederland in reserve. On 18-09-1944 he added the unit to 'Sperrverband Spindler". In the night of 20-09 - 21-09 III.SS Landstorm Nederland arrived after a journey by bike from Hoogeveen. On 21-09-1944 the III.Landstorm Nederland was moved to the Betuwe for defensive actions around Elst. On 25-09-1944 Elst was taken by the British 43th Wessex Division.
SS-Freiwilligen-Grenadier-Brigade 'Landstorm Nederland'From November the 1st 1944 this became the new name of Landstorm Nederland. The three batallions (forming the new 83.Regiment) were strenghtened with SS-Wachbataillon 'Nordwest' (forming the new 84.Regiment) and with new recrutes. Among the new volunteers were many members of the Jeudstorm (the youth organisation of the NSB, the Dutch collaborating fascist movement). After the SS-Brigade had received new weapons it had to move into defensive positions near the rivers Waal and Rhine.
34.SS Freiwilligen-Grenadier-Division 'Landstorm Nederland'On February the 10th 1945 Landstorm Nederland became a Division. This status was didn't match with reality. Landstorm Nederland didn't even have the strength of a Brigade. Despite this the Division had received orders to relieve the Fallschirmäger-Regiment 7 that had dug in near the Rhine. The 83.Regiment of 34.SS 'Landstorm Nederland' moved into defensive positions behind the rivers the Meuse and the Waal in the area Betuwe and Bommelerwaard. 84.Regiment defended the south of de Veluwe (a large forest in the central Netherlands) and a small strip along the Rhine near Rhenen. In order to improve the effectiveness of the defense the Germans had flooded parts of de Betuwe. The Dutch SS-Division now faced the Prinses Irene Brigade, the 49nd British Division and some Canadian units. The presence of the Dutch Prinses Irene Brigade caused strange situations. It is claimed that several Landstormers had familymembers who fought in this enemy unit.
34.SS Freiwilligen-Grenadier-Division 'Landstorm Nederland', nevertheless, executed a daring attack on February the 23rd 1945. The Dutch SS-Grenadiers succesfully stormed a British strongpoint near Zetten and got an honourable mention on the Wehrmachtsbericht (German military radio news) of that day. The Hallamshire Battalion of the 49th Infantry Division, that had fortified in a farm called 'de Hoeven', had lost 31 men as a result of the attack.

Lippert, commander of Gr.Rgt.84 and Krafft, commander of Gr.Rgt.83.
The Landstorm Nederland Division nevertheless lost many of its soldiers on the battleground. Next to this the number of desertions was still growing. Some of the very desperate men even planned to kill their officer Resler and surrender their positions to the allies. Unfortunately their plan leaked out and they were arrested. The conspirators were shot on March the 9th 1945.
In 1945 it was long clear that the Germans were going to lose the war. This was probably one of the reasons that the very fanatic among the Dutch SS soldiers started to use terror against the civilian population. Especially the 84.Regiment, the former SS-Wachbataillon 'Nordwest', did not hesitate to shoot Dutch civilians when they e.g. entered Sperrgebiet (forbidden areas). The war was coming an end. The last strong resistance by Landstorm Nederland was offered in March 1945 in the villages of Oosterbeek and Otterlo. The next days, the Canandians took over 300 prisoners of war and in the period between 16-03 and 28-04 1945 they took another 187 Landstormers. The war in the Netherlands ended on May the 5th (offically on May 6th) except for a part of Landstorm Nederland.
The final daysThe final days of Landstorm Nederland had a remarkable and violent course. All this was a result of the strange status that the village Veenendaal had in the last days of the German occupation. While the German Army in the Netherlands had surrendered, Veenendaal was still occupied by some German units and a contingent of Landstorm Nederland. Veenendaal was actually a German enclave in the liberated Netherlands. The population had to wait for their liberators until the late afternoon of May the 9th 1945. Unntil that time both sides were still firing at each other. The Landstormers were not yet prepared to give themselves up. On May the 7th the Dutch SS-men even blew de Vaartbrug (a bridge), probably for defensive reasons (one of the SS-men was accidently blown with it).
On the same day a clash with a resistance group from Wageningen took place. The group assumed that Veenendaal was liberated like the rest of the Netherlands. When they entered Veenendaal to visit one of their members who had been hiding there during the occupation, they found out they were wrong. In the tragic fight that followed three of the resistance members were killed, one of them was probably shot by the Landstormers while wounded.
Veenendaal was the last village but not the only one where Dutch resistance members clashed with Dutch Waffen-SS. Many times the risky and thoughtless actions of the Dutch resistance led to tragic firefights in the last hours of the war. Such a situation existed on May the 5th in Leersum. In the last confusing hours of the war when the resistance and the German occupiers beared each other, the Binnenlandse Strijdkrachten (resistance army commanded by Prince Bernhard) had shot a Dutch SS soldier. The Binnenlandse Strijdkrachten had been collecting weapons in a local factory that morning. The SS and Wehrmacht had discovered this and asked BS members what was going on. On that moment one of the BS men got his weapon and shot one of the Dutch SS men. The SS immediately opened fire, three of the BS members were killed in the unnecessary firefight. A German reprisal measure led to the loss of another four lives. A second group was saved by General Blaskowitz. The group of prisoners was going to be shot in the woods when Blaskowitz drove by. The German general immediately ordered to let the prisoners go and prevented another bloodshed.
The surrender of 34.SS Freiwilligen-Grenadier-Division 'Landstorm Nederland'The British 49th Infantry division 'Polar Bears', commanded by Brigade-General Crosse, recieved orders to disarm the Division 'Landstorm Nederland' in the villages of Elst, Veenendaal, Doorn and Amerongen. On Mat the 7th Crosse had met commander SS-Oberführer Martin Maximiliaan Kohlroser in Doorn. Crosse demanded that the 3.000 Landstormers would leave their weapons, equipment and other military goods for an inspection in Elst. Kohlroser refused, he preferred to march fully armed to the POW-camps. Crosse next threatened to disarm the men by force so Kohlroser felt he had no choice and agreed. On May the 10th the Landstormers were transported to a fallow lying terrain belonging to youth hostel 'De Eikelkamp' in Elst. From there the SS-Division would march a couple of days later to the POW-camp 'De Harskamp'.
The commanders of 'Landstorm Nederland' fully cooperated. As agreed before, all weapons were lay down to be inspected by the 'Polar Bears'. The SS-officers nevertheless protested when Crosse demanded that they also had to turn in their pistol. Wehrmacht officers never were asked to this, so why should SS-officers agree with this uncommon measure ? Their protests dissapeared when Crosse had shown a copy of the 'Illustrated London News'. The paper had printed pictures of the horrific scenes in the deathcamps. The Waffen-SS officers strongly condemned the proceedings of the responsible ones. Next to that they claimed that they, the combat units of the SS, had not known of this horrific massmurder. Kohlroser further empasized this in a letter to Crosse on May the 16th 1945:
From : 34 SS Volunteer Gren DivLandsturm NederlandTo : Commander Royal Artillery49 (West Riding) Infantry DivisionBrigadier E.N. CrosseI thank you for the recognition of the discipline and behaviour of my troops during the handing over of arms. I assure you that even with this conclusion to the fighting, discipline and complete obedience are only natural to my troops
My troops firmly believe in chivalry and regard for a clean fighting opponent. The chivalry and restraint shown by you and your officers have made this difficult step considerably easier forme, my staff and my regiments. I ask you to interpret this obedience and discipline in carrying out this extremely hard order for us as the only possible proof that we as front line soldiers would have acted in the same way if the roles had been reversed.
I have been deeply moved by the contents of the illustrated paper you sent me. My officers and I as soldiers are enraged and as Germans deeply ashamed. As front line soldiers we strongly condemn these actions. I assure you that the officers and men of my Division neither knew of these atrocities, nor as fighting soldiers had anything in common with them.(Signed) MM KohlroserSS Oberfuehrer and Div K.Extra fanatismThe disarmament was completed on May the 16th. In total 212 officers and 5744 NCO's and soldiers had been taken prisoner of war. Their weapons, equipment and 'their' transport: 1070 horses, 578 barrows and 75 cows had been seized. Although 'Landstorm Nederland' could not be compared to one of the elite units of the Waffen-SS (e.g. 'Wiking' or 'Das Reich') it certainly was considered as a strong figthing force.
A number of Dutch Waffen-SS soldiers of 'Landstorm Nederland' fought ruthless in own their country. The men appreared to be extra fanatic because they had an idea what would happen to them if Germany would lose the war. Volunteering for a German unit, let alone an SS unit, was seen by the Dutch people as the most horrible act of collaboration. Long before the war came to an end, the word 'bijltjesdag' (axe day) appeared in the common streettalks. The plans of punishment were ready. When the southern parts of the Netherlans were liberated, 'bijltjesdag' became reality which strengthened parts of the Dutch SS in their thoughts to keep fighting to the end.


Brigadeführer Joachim Ziegler, 4.??.43 - 4.20.44

Brigadeführer Jürgen Wagner, 4.20.44 - 11.02.44

Oberführer Martin Kohlroser, 11.02.44 - 5.08.45

Moonspell - Wolfshade

She brought the Night hidden in her sad Wolf eyes
The perfume of a twilight, her strongest scent
Half Wolf, Half female - what a strange wedding
Mother Nature has offered us to see...

Her mask lays lost in a fatal dawn
Closed were the eyes of the Sun. He sleeps.
And in the name of Her Father.
She will kill. My child kills.

You nightly birth. A requiem God can't forget.
For your life is just a celebration of his death
Without his thorns in her heart. She wears a shadow as face.
A werewolf masquerade. In her eyes the wolfshade.

She brought the Night and by the night was brought
We are but children of the powers she had set free
Strange are the ways of the wolfhearted...

Moonspell - Full moon madness

Somos memórias de lobos que rasgam a pele
Lobos que foram homens
e o tornarão a ser

They awake for flesh
Choose pain as a path
Refuse a light
To blind you and me

Full Moon Madness,
We are as one and congregate
Full Moon Madness
We rise again to procreate

Somos memórias de lobos que rasgam a pele
Lobos que foram homens e o tornarão a ser
ou talvez memórias de homens.
que insistem em não rasgar a pele
Homens que procuram ser lobos
mas que jamais o tornarão a ser...

They awake for flesh
Choose pain as a path

To blind you and meFull Moon adness,
We are as one and congregate
Full Moon Madness
We rise again to procreate to seal our fate

Irreverence was cast out from the sky
And eternity lost its sex forever
And under the same heaven they voted to emptiness
They still celebrate under a Full Moon Madness...

They awake for flesh
Choose pain as a path
Refuse a light to blind you and me

Irreverence was cast out from the sky
And eternity lost its sex forever
And under the same heaven they voted to emptinessWe still celebrate under a Full Moon Madness...

quarta-feira, outubro 27, 2004

Werwolf - Intolleranza

Berlino è caduta sotto i miei occhi
spettri di soldati affamati e distrutti
vola sulle macerie la bandiera nemica
ha il colore del sangue chi ha dato la vita.

Non accetto la resa non depongo le armi
prima di avermi dovran venire a cercarme
sono l'ultimo rimasto del mio plotone
ma ho due bombe a mano e un caricatore.

Per me questa guerra non è finita
per questa guerra ho dato la vita.

Non so quale sia la mia uniforme
non ho più bandiera ma ho un fucile e due bombe
non ho più un paese ho soltanto una terra,
non ho più un nome io sono la guerra.

Per me questa guerra non è finita
per questa guerra ho dato la vita.

La guerra finirà quando morrò io
ma non sono più un uomo io sono un Dio
sono il figlio d'Europa il mio sangue è la storia
non ho più una lingua la mia lingua è la gloria.

Per me questa guerra non è finita
per questa guerra ho dato la vita.

Il nemico s'illude perchè tutto tace
ma finchè vivrò non avranno pace

sono il lupo mannaro non sono più un uomo
sono il lupo mannaro la mia forza è il tuono
sono il lupo mannaro non sono più un uomo
sono il lupo mannaro la mia forza è il tuono!

SS Werwolf - History

Joseph Goebbels, Minister of Propaganda and Gauleiter of Berlin, showed no signs of slacking in the months before he killed himself in Hitler's bunker on May 1, 1945. According to the selections from his diary edited by Hugh Trevor-Roper and published as "Final Entries 1945," he not only attended to his ordinary duties regarding national editorial policy and the defense of the city, but also found time to do things like review the new tax code and to arrange for an annoying colleague to be drafted. Of all these activities, however, perhaps the most surreal was his enthusiastic support for the "Werwolf" movement.

Goebbels spoke of the Werwolf almost as if it were an electoral campaign. Despite the other things he had on his mind, he exerted himself to create a new Werwolf radio station, and even tried to found a newspaper. (The radio station actually operated for a few weeks.) Propaganda for and about the Werwolf were among the last products of the regime. In retrospect, some commentators have tended to dismiss the Werwolf as something of a Nazi hoax, one whose primary effect was to induce the western Allies to invade Germany on a broad front, rather than go directly for Berlin. Still, I for one have sometimes wondered just what this "Werwolf" effort was, and how seriously the Nazis took it.

Perry Biddiscombe, an assistant professor of history at the University of Victoria, answers in "Werwolf!" all the questions you are likely to have about the movement, and in a very readable form. (Don't be intimidated by the apparent size of the book, by the way: the text ends at page 285, followed by notes and appendices.) "Werwolf!" provides valuable insights into the "polyarchic" nature of the Nazi regime, both in its salad days and in its dissolution, as well as a general overview of the last few months of the war in Europe. Finally, though the author does not address this matter, the book may provide some useful ideas for counterfactual speculation about the possible evolution of National Socialist society, had it survived the war.
The term "Werwolf" is the equivalent of the English "werewolf," meaning "man-wolf" or "lycanthrope." There is, however, another term, "Wehrwolf," which is pronounced about the same as "Werwolf," but which means "defense wolf." "Wehrwolf" actually has a long association with irregular warfare in Germany. A famous novel by that title, written by one Hermann Loens and published in 1910, was a romantic treatment of peasant guerrillas in northern Germany during the 17th century. Though this novel was in fact promoted by the Nazi government, particularly the Hitler Youth, the spelling "Werwolf" was favored when the Germans began planning for partisan warfare, because the Nazis had had a competitor on the Right in the 1920s called the "Wehrwolf Bund." Besides, "Werwolf" sounded more feral.
As with so much else the Nazi government did, the Werwolf initiative was something of a pillow fight, with different actors competing for control of Werwolf organizations and with different ideas for what the Werwolf was supposed to do. The original concept was clear enough, however.

"Clausewitzian partisans" are part of orthodox military doctrine. They are militia who operate behind the lines in territory occupied by the enemy. Their function is to cut supply lines and generally cause confusion, but their operation presupposes the continued existence of a national government and a conventional army. The Germans had experience fielding irregular forces of this nature, both against Napoleon and in the form of the independent "Freikorps" units that operated in eastern Germany during the chaotic period just after the First World War. The Germans started thinking about them again as soon as the situation on the Russian front began to deteriorate, and in fact anti-Communist partisans did the Red Army appreciable damage. It was only in the last half of 1944, however, that the Germans began to focus on the possibility that the Allies might have to be resisted within Germany itself.
This was a job that no major player in the German government or the military wanted to be associated with until the last moment. Thinking about the penetration of Germany, even the extended Germany of Hitler's annexations, implied a fair amount of defeatism. Additionally, the military was not keen on sharing its dwindling resources for training and material with civilian stay-behind groups. In principle, the Werwolf was commanded by SS Chief Heinrich Himmler, through a back channel consisting of local chiefs of police. These middle-aged men tended to regard partisan activity as somewhat disreputable, and in any case had no idea how to go about it. Far more dynamic, and only nominally under SS command, was the Werwolf program operated by the Hitler Youth. The story of the Werwolf proper, in fact, is largely a cautionary tale about what happens when you give teenagers a license to kill.

Despite all obstacles, training programs were improvised for youths and adults, though the courses sometimes lasted just days. Underground bunkers were prepared in isolated areas, from which the Werwolf were supposed to emerge to strike terror into the enemy. Werwolf was supposed to mesh into the larger project of establishing an "Alpine Redoubt," a base in Austria and mountainous southern Germany to which conventional forces might retreat. Certainly the major Werwolf training bases were located in that area. The last-minute attempt to build underground facilities in the Alps were too little, too late, and the armies ordered to go there never arrived, for the most part. In the final few days, Hitler decided to stay in Berlin, rather than go south and try to organize the Redoubt from Berchtesgaden. Still, it was not quite just a propaganda ploy.

What did the Werwolf do? They sniped. They mined roads. They poured sand into the gas tanks of jeeps. (Sugar was in short supply, no doubt.) They were especially feared for the "decapitation wires" they strung across roads. They poisoned food stocks and liquor. (The Russians had the biggest problem with this.) They committed arson, though perhaps less than they are credited with: every unexplained fire or explosion associated with a military installation tended to be blamed on the Werwolf. These activities slackened off within a few months of the capitulation on May 7, though incidents were reported as late as 1947.
The problem with assessing the extent of Werwolf activity is that not only official Werwolf personnel committed partisan acts. Much of the regular German fighting forces disarticulated into isolated units that sometimes kept fighting, even after the high command surrendered.. In the east, units that had been bypassed by the Red Army tried to fight their way west, so they could surrender to the Anglo-Americans. In the west, the final "strategy" of the high command was to stop even trying to halt the Allied armored penetrations of Germany, but to hit these units from behind and cut off their supplies. Perhaps the most harrowing accounts in the book are those relating to the expulsion of the ethnic German populations from the Sudetenland and the areas annexed by Poland. The latter theater in particular seems to have been the only point in the European war in which a civilian population was keen about a "scorched earth" strategy.
Very little Werwolf activity was directed with an eye toward political survival after the complete occupation of Germany. The Nazi leadership could not bring themselves to think about the matter. Certainly Himmler could not. In the last days before his own suicide, he tried to close the Werwolf down, the better to curry favor with the western Allies. Still, elements of the movement did make some plans for after the war. The Hitler Youth branch devised a political platform for a peaceful, postwar, Werwolf political organization. They also took steps toward ensuring financing for these efforts. In the last days of the war, forward-looking Nazis scurried about Germany with funds taken from the Party or the national treasury, buying up businesses "at fire-sale prices," as Biddiscombe dryly puts it. These enterprises prospered slightly in the months following the end of the fighting, but were wrapped up by the occupation authorities by the end of 1945.

This brings us to the role of the Nazi Party in the Werwolf movement. An aspect of the Third Reich on which Biddiscombe lays great stress is the surprisingly derelict state of the Party itself. When the Party was new, it was in many ways a youth movement, or perhaps a brilliant propaganda machine that mobilized a youth movement. Even before the war began, however, it had become little more than a patronage organization, notable mostly for its corruption. The old guard, who had come to power with Hitler, had no new ideas themselves and stubbornly refused to make way for new blood. The Gauleiter, or district leaders, were not an elite, and the organizations they commanded did not attract persons of the first quality.

This situation particularly frustrated the "old fighters" like Goebbels and Robert Ley, the labor chief, and Martin Bormann, Hitler's party secretary. Though they continued to have considerable influence on policy because of their strong personal relationships with Hitler, nevertheless they had long been losing institutional power as the Party was eclipsed by the SS. That organization could make some claim to being an elite. At the very least, it was still more feared than despised. Thus, in the closing months of the regime, some of the Party leaders saw the Werwolf as an opportunity to wrest power back from the Reich's decaying institutions.
Goebbels especially grasped the possibility that guerrilla war could be a political process as well as a military strategy. It was largely through his influence that the Werwolf assumed something of the aspect of a terrorist organization. Where it could, it tried to prevent individuals and communities from surrendering, and it assassinated civil officials who cooperated with the Allies. Few Germans welcomed these activities, but something else that Goebbels grasped was that terror might serve where popularity was absent. By his estimate, only 10% to 15% of the German population were potential supporters for a truly revolutionary movement. His goal was to use the Werwolf to activate that potential. With the help of the radical elite, the occupiers could be provoked into savage reprisals that would win over the mass of the people to Neo-Nazism, a term that came into use in April 1945.

Bizarre as it may seem, Goebbels saw the collapse of the Reich as the opportunity to put through a social revolution, particularly a social revolution manned by radicalized youth. Always on the left-wing of the Party, Goebbels felt that Hitler had been mislead by the Junkers and the traditional military into bourgeois policies that had corrupted the whole movement. With Germany's cities in ruins and its institutions no longer functioning, the possibility had arisen to start again from scratch. Biddiscombe notes that Hermann Rauschning , a former Nazi official who defected to the West before the war, called Nazism a "revolution of nihilism." Biddiscombe suggests that the radical wing of the Party, freed by defeat from the responsibility for actual government and the constraints of a conventional war, reverted in the final days to the nihilistic essence of Nazism.

In some ways, Goebbels' policy resembled what Mao Zedong did in China. Even the plans for the Alpine Redoubt are reminiscent of the Long March to the base at Yennan. Before the Long March, the Chinese Communist Party was a fairly conventional Stalinist organization. It presupposed the facilities of civilization for its operation. When it descended from the mountains after the war with Japan ended, however, the Communist Party was something like a new society in itself. Goebbels hoped for something similar in Europe, counting on the sudden outbreak of a war between the western and eastern Allies to provide the strategic breathing room for a renewed regime to coalesce. When no such war broke out, and the Alpine Redoubt proved to be just another Nazi pipe dream, the Werwolf simply evaporated.
While perhaps one should not press the Chinese comparison too far, still it is probably significant that the most radical manifestations of Chinese Communism appeared a good 15 or 20 years after the Party came to power. They appeared in time of peace, as old party hands tried to retake control from the conventional organs of government. If the Nazi state had won its war with the Soviet Union and fended off invasion from the West, might something similar have happened? The early Nazi enthusiasm for socialism and social solidarity had become largely rhetorical by 1939, but the ideas always remained, ready to the hand of bold Party officials who might someday find the arrogance of the SS too threatening.

Perhaps the Werwolf is the dim reflection in our world of another future. In that world, the 1960s see Brown Guards take over the streets of Germania, the new Nazi capital. Egged on by Old Fighters behind the scenes, they demand that the aristocrats of the SS get off their high horses and learn from the Volk. Ancient universities are closed down or turned into schools of indoctrination. Elderly scholars are sent to country districts to raise pigs. Gullible journalists arrive from abroad, and send home admiring articles about how the Germans must be understood on their own terms.

Any scenario in which the Third Reich lasts longer than it did is unpleasant to think about. In this one, however, there is at least a built-in consolation. The Nazi empire, held together by coercion, would probably have blown up as soon as the effectiveness of its military was degraded by revolutionary fervor.